罗斯福于1941年在白宫发表演讲 英文版

On the War in Europe

March 15, 1941

This dinner of the White House Correspondents’ Associational is unique. It is the first one at which I have made a speech in all these—eight years. It differs from the press conferences that you and I hold twice a week, for you cannot ask me any questions tonight; and everything that I have to say is word for word on the record.

For eight years you and I have been helping each other. I have been trying to keep you informed of the news of Washington, of the Nation, and of the world, from the point of view of the Presidency. You, more than you realize, have been giving me a great ducal of information about what the people of this country are finking and saying.

In our press conferences, as at this client tonight, we include reporters representing papers and news agencies of many other lands. To most of them it is a matter of constant amazement that press conferences such as ours can exist in any Nation in the world. That is especially true in those lands where freedoms do not exist—where the purposes of our democracy and the characteristics country and of our people have been seriously distorted.

Lich misunderstandings are not new. I remember that, a quarter of a century ago, in the early days of the first World War, the German Government received solemn assurances from their representatives in the United States that the people of America were disunited; that they cared more for peace at any price than for the preservation of ideals and freedom; that there would even be riots and revolutions in the United States if this Nation ever asserted its own interests. Let not dictators of Europe or Asia doubt our unanimity now.

Before the present war broke out on September 1, 1939, I was more worried about the future than many people—indeed, than most people. The record shows that l was not worried enough. That, however, is water over the dam. Do not us waste time in reviewing the past, or fixing or dredging the blame for it? History cannot be rewritten by wishful thinking. We, the American people, are writing new history today.

The big news story of this week is this: The world has been told that we, as a united Nation, realize the danger that confronts us and that to meet that danger our democracy has gone into action.

We know that although Prussian auto was bad enough in the first war, Nazism is far worse in this. Nazi seeks in modification in colonial maps orcas are not song mere inions iron in minor European boundaries. They openly seek the destruction of all elective systems of government on every continent—including our own; they seek to establish systems of government based on the regimentation of all human beings by a handful of individual rulers who have seized power by force. Yes, these men and their hypnotized followers call this a new order. It is not new and it is not order. For ordered among Nations presupposes something enduring—some system of justice under which individuals, over a long period of time, are willing to live. Humanity will never permanently accept a system imposed by conquest and based on slavery.

These modern tyrants find it necessary to their plans to criminate all democracies—eliminate them one by one. The Nations of Europe, and indeed we ourselves, did not appreciate that purpose. We do now. The process of the elimination of the European Nations proceeded according to plan through 1939 and well into 1940, until the schedule was shot to pieces by the unbeatable of Britain deface he enemies of democracy were wrong in their calculations for a very simple reabsorb.

They were wrong because they believed that democracy could not adjust itself to the terrible reality of a world at war. They believed that decoy, because of its profound accuracy respect for the rights of man, would never arm itself to fight. They believed that democracy, because of its will to live at peace with its neighbors, could not mobilize its energies even in its own defense.

They know now that democracy can still remain democracy. And curacy speaks, reach conclusions, and arm itself adequately for defense.

From the bureaus of propaganda of the Axis powers came the confident prophecy that the conquest of our country would be “an inside job”—a job accomplished not by overpowering invasion from without, but by disrupting confusion and disunion and moral disintegration from within.

Those who believed that knew little of our history. America is not a country which can be confounded by the, the defeatists, the backstairs manufacturers of panic. It is a country that talks out its problems in the open, where any man can hear them.

We have just now engaged in a great debate. It was not limited to the halls of Congress. It was argued in every newspaper, on every wave length, over every cracker barrel in all the land, and it was finally settled and decided by the American people themselves.

Yes, the decisions of our democracy may be slowly arrived at. But when that decision is made, it is proclaimed not with the voice of any one man but with the voice of one hundred and thirty millions. It is binding on us all. And the world is no longer left in doubt. This decision is the end of any attempts at appeasement in our land; the end of urging us to get along with dictators; the end of compromise with tyranny and the forces of oppression.

And the urgency is now. We believe firmly that when our production output is in full swing, the democracies of the world will be able to prove that dictatorships cannot win. But now—now the time element is of supreme importance.

Every plane, every other instrument of war, old and new, Every instrument that we can spare now, we will send overseas because that is the common sense of strategy. The great task of this day, the deep duty that rests upon each and every one of us is to move products from the assembly lines of our factories to the battle lines of democracy—now.

We can have speed, we can have effectiveness, if we maintain our existing unity. We do not have and never will have the false unity of a people browbeaten by threats, misled by propaganda. Ours is a unity that is possible only among free men and women who recognize the truth and face reality with intelligence and courage.

Today at last—today at long last—ours is not a partial effort. It is a total effort and that is the only way to guarantee ate safety. Ultimo Beginning a year ago, we started the erection of hundreds of plants; we started the training of millions of men.

Then, at the moment that the Aid to Democracies Bill was passed, this week, we were ready to recommend the seven-billion-dollar appropriation on the basis of capacity production as now planned. The articles themselves cover the whole range of munitions of war and of the facilities for transporting them across the seas. The Aid to Democracies Bill warded. Congress last Tuesday afternoon, I signed it one half hour later. Five minutes after that I approved a list of articles for immediate shipment; and today—Saturday night—many of them are on their way. On Wednesday, I recommended an appropriation for new material to the extent of seven billion dollars; and the Congress is making patriotic speed in making the money available.

Here in Washington, we are thinking in terms of speed and speed now. And I hope that watchword “Speed, and speed now”—will find its way into every home in the Nitwit shall have to make sacrifices—every one of us. The final extent of those sacrifices will depend on the speed with which we act.

Now, must tell you tonight in plain language what this undertaking to you—to you in your daily life. Mean whether you are in the armed services; whether you are a steel worker or a stevedore; a machinist or a housewife; a farmer or a banker; a storekeeper or a manufacturer—to all of you it will mean sacrifice in behalf of your country and your liberties. Yes, you will feel the impact of this gigantic effort in your daily lives. You will feel it in a way that will cause to you, many inconveniences.

Profits, to profits You will have to be content with lower power business because obviously your taxes will be higher Formby vow will have to work longer at your bench, or your power machine, or your desk, or let me make it clear that the Nation is calling face the sacrifice of some privileges, not for the sacrifice of fundamental rights. And most of us will do it willingly. That kind of sacrifice is for the common national protection and welfare; for our defense against the most ruthless brutality in all history; for the ultimate victory of a way of life now so violently menaced.

A half hearted effort on our part will lead to failure. This is no part-time job. The concepts of “business as usual,” of “normalcy,” must be forgotten until the task is finished. Yes, it is an all-out effort—and nothing short of an all-out effort will win. Therefore, we are dedicated, from here on, to a constantly increasing tempo of production—a production greater than we now know or have ever known before—a production that does not stop and should not pause.

Tonight, I am appealing to the heart and to the mind of every man and every woman within our borders who loves liberty. I ask you to consider the needs of our Nation and this hour to put aside all personal differences until the victory is wick.

The light of democracy must be kept burning. To the perpetuation of this light, each of us must do his own share. The single effort of one individual may seem very small. But there are 130 million individuals over here. And there are many more millions in Britain and elsewhere bravely shielding the great flame of democracy from the blackout of barbarism. It is not enough for us merely to trim the wick, or polish the glass. The time has come when we must provide the fuel in ever-increasing amounts to keep that flame alight.

There will be no divisions of part sector nationality or try or race, There is not one among us who does not have a stake in the new of the effort in which we are now engaged.

Few weeks ago I spoke of four freedoms—freedom of speech and expression, freedom of every person to worship God in his own way, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. They are the ultimate stake. They may not be immediately attainable throughout the world but humanity does move toward those glorious ideals through democratic processes. And if we fail—if democracy is superseded by slavery—then those four freedoms, or even the mention of them will become forbidden things. Centuries will pass before they can be revived.

By winning now, we strengthen the meaning of those freedoms, increase the stature of mankind, we establish dignity of human life.

I have often thought that there is a vast difference between the word “loyalty” and the word “obedience”. Obedience can be obtained and enforced in a dictatorship by the use of threat or extortion or blackmail or it can be obtained by a failure on the part of government to tell the truth to its citizens. Loyalty is different. It springs from the mind that is given the facts, that retains ancient ideals and proceeds without coercion to give support to its own government.

That is true in England and in Greece and in China and in the United States, today, and in many other countries millions of men and women are praying for the return of a day when they can give that kind of loyalty.

Loyalty cannot be bought. Dollars alone will not win this war.

Let us not delude ourselves as to that.

Today, nearly a million and a half American citizens are hard at work in our armed forces, the spirit—the determination of these men of our Army and Navy are worthy of the highest traditions of our country. No better men ever served under Washington or John Paul Jones or Grant or Lee or Pershing. That is a boast, I admit but it is not an idle one.

Upon the national will to sacrifice and to work depends the output of our industry and our agriculture.

Upon that will depends the survival of the vital bridge across the ocean—the bridge of ships that carry the arms and the food for those who are fighting the good fight.

Upon that will depends our ability to aid other Nations which may determine to offer resistance?

Upon that will may depend practical assistance to people now living in Nations that have been overrun, should? They find the opportunity to strike back in an effort to regain their liberties and may that day come soon!

This will of the American people will not be frustrated, either by threats from powerful enemies abroad or by small, selfish groups or individuals at home.

The determination of America must not and will not be oobstructed by war profiteering. It must not be obstructed by unnecessary strikes of workers, by shortsighted management, or by the third danger—deliberate sabotage.

For, unless we win there will be no freedom for either management or labor. Wise labor leaders and wise business managers will realize how necessary it is to their own existence to make common sacrifice for this great common cause.

There is no longer the slightest question or doubt that the American people recognize the extreme seriousness of the present situation.That is why they have demanded, and got, a policy of unqualified, immediate, all-out aid for Britain, for Greece, for China, and for all the Governments in exile whose homelands are temporarily occupied by the aggressors. And from now on that aid will be increased—and yet again increased—until total victory has been won. The British are stronger than ever in the magnificent morale that has enabled them to endure all the dark days and the shattered nights of the past ten months. They have the full support and help of Canada, of the other Dominions, of the rest of their Empire, and the full aid and support of non-British people throughout the world who still think in terms of the great freedoms.

The British people are braced for invasion whenever such attempt may come—tomorrow—next week—next month.

In this historic crisis, Britain is blessed with a brilliant and great leader in Winston Churchill. But, no one knows better than Mr. Churchill himself that it is not alone his stirring words and valiant deeds that give the British their super morale. The essence of that morale is in the masses of plain people who are impolitely clear in their minds about the one essential fact—that they would rather die as free men than live as slaves.

These plain people—civilians as well as soldiers and sailors and airmen, women and girls as well as men and boys—they are fighting in the front line of civilization at this moment, and they are holding that line with a fortitude that will forever be the pride and the inspiration of all free men on every continent, on every isle of the sea.

The British people and their Grecian allies need ships. From America, they will get ships. They will get planes. From America they need food. They need planes. From America food. From America, they will get. They need tanks and guns and ammunition and supplies of all kinds. From America, they will get tanks and guns and ammunitions and supplies of all kinds.

China likewise expresses the magnificent will of millions of plain people to resist the dismemberment of their historic Nation. China, through the Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, asks our help. America has said that China shall have our help.

And so our country is going to be what our people have proclaimed it must be the arsenal of democracy. Our country is going to play its full part.

And when I didn’t say if, I said when—dictatorships disintegrate—and pray God that will be sooner than any of us now dares to hope— then our country must continue to play its great part in the period of world reconstruction for the good of humanity.

We believe that the rallying cry of the dictators, their boasting about a master-race stuff and nonsense. There never, will prove to be pure has been, there isn’t now, and there never will be, any race of people on the earth fit to serve airs over their fellow men, master. The world has no use for any Nation which, because of size or because of military might, asserts the right to goosestep to world power over the bodies of other Nations or other races. We believe that any nationality, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood.

We believe that the men and women of such Nations, no matter what size, can, through the processes of peace, serve themselves and serve the world by protecting the common man’s security; improve the standards of healthful living; provide markets for manufacture and for agriculture. Through that kind of peaceful service every Nation can increase its happiness, banish the terrors of war, and abandon man’s inhumanity to man.

Never, in all our history, have Americans faced a job so well worthwhile. May it be said of us in the days.

罗斯福于1941年在白宫发表演讲 中文版

论欧洲的战争

1941年3月15日

白宫记者协会的宴会是独一无二的。这是我这八年来第一次在宴席上发表演说。比起我们每周两次的记者招待会，今天的演说将有所不同，因为今晚你们不能向我提问，而我不得不说的每一个字都会被记录在案。

八年以来，我和你们互相帮助，我一直尽力让你们知道，作为美国总统我对华盛顿、美国乃至世界上的事情所持的态度。你们一直以来也给予我大量关于美国人民所思所言的信息，比你们意识到的要多得多。

来自其他国家的报纸和通讯社的记者们，也像参加今晚的宴席一样，出席我们的记者招待会。他们中绝大部分人都始终感到吃惊，因为世界上居然存在像我们这样的记者招待会。在那些国家，确实毫无自由可言。在那里，我们所谓民主的目的、国家和人民的性质已经被严重扭曲了。

这样的误解并不新鲜。我记得二十五年前，第一次世界大战之初，德国政府从他们的驻美代表那里得到严正确认：美国人民已经是一盘散沙，他们为了和平，宁愿放弃理想与自由，一旦美国起来为维护自身利益参战，暴动和革命就会发生。现在不要让欧洲或者亚洲的独裁者们怀疑我们的团结一致。

在1939年9月1日这场战争爆发之前，我比许多人,事实上是比绝大部分人，更担心战争的前景。历史证明我当时的担心还是不足够的。然而这已经无法挽回了。我们无需浪费时间缅怀历史，或者弥补或者逃避责任。历史不会因为一厢情愿而被改写。今天我们美国人民正在书写新的历史。

这个星期的新闻大事是：全世界都将知道，美国作为一个团结的民族，已经意识到我们所面临的危机，并且这个民主国家已采取行动来应对危机。

尽管我们知道普鲁士独裁在第一次世界大战中已经极其邪恶，但纳粹主义在这次战争中更是变本加厉。纳粹军队期望的不是殖民地图的些许改变或是欧洲版图的稍稍变化。他们公然要摧毁每一块大陆上的所有由选举产生的政府体系，也包括我们的在内;他们试图建立的政府组织体系是由一小撮以武力攫取权力的独裁者来统治全人类。是的，纳粹及其盲从者称之为新秩序。这种秩序并不新，也谈不上是秩序。因为国际秩序必须以某种持之以恒的东西为先决条件，也就是说在某种合理制度下，人们愿意长久生存下去。人类绝不可能永远接受依靠强权和建立在奴役上的制度。

这些当代暴君认为要实施他们的计划，就必须一个接着一个根除民主制度。欧洲国家实际上也包括我们在内，对此不敢苟同。现在我们一直在采取行动。按照他们覆灭欧洲国家的计划，应是在1939年展开，1940年深入，然而这一计划被不列颠不可战胜的保卫者粉碎。

民主制度的敌人打错了算盘，因为一个很简单的理由：他们错以为民主国家难以应付世界大战中的混乱局面。他们错以为民主国家对人权高度尊重，就不会武装起来反抗。他们错以为民主国家期望与邻国和睦相处，就算为了自卫也不会动员有生力量。

现在他们知道，民主国家仍然可以保持民主，可以说话，可以做出结论，可以通过充分武装来保卫自己。

轴心国宣传部门有这样一个自信满满的预言，说是征服美国将是一个“内部任务”。这项任务不是靠来自外部的排山倒海式的侵略来完成，而是靠来自内部的，让人惶惶不可终日的混乱、分裂和道德崩溃来完成。

相信这个预言的人们太不了解我们的历史。美国可不是一个可以被绥靖主义者、失败主义者和恐慌的秘密缔造者所能击败的国度。这个国家可以公开谈论问题，任何人都可以听到。

我们刚刚卷入一场巨大的争论之中。这场争论不只发生在国会大厅之内。在每一张报纸上，在每一个电台里，在全国的每一个地方都有这样的争论。争论的最终平息和结果都是依靠美国人民自己。

是的，民主国家的抉择可能来得迟些。但是一旦有了决定，这个决定不是由一个声音来宣布，而是由一亿三千万个声音来共同宣布。这个决定约束我们所有人，而世界也不再对此感到疑虑。这个决定宣告了在这片土地上任何绥靖主义的终结，宣告任何劝服我们与独裁者和睦相处，与暴行、压迫妥协的计划的破产。

眼下已是迫在眉睫。我们坚信一旦我们的行动全面实施，世界上的民主国家将有能力证明独裁不可能获胜。但是现在，就在现在，时间至关重要。

每一架飞机，其他每一件战争装备，无论新旧，只要我们现在能够拿出来的每一件，都要派往海外，因为那是战略常识。今天的重大任务，我们每一个人身上的重大职责就是将我们工厂流水线上的产品运输到民主战线上去——就在现在!

我们可以有速度，我们也可以有效率，只要我们坚持现有的团结。我们没有也不会有那种被威胁所逼迫、被宣传所误导的所谓团结一致。我们的团结只存在于那些可以以智慧和勇气辨认虚假、面对现实的自由的人民之中。

今天终于——今天我们终于——我们的努力没有任何保留。我们必须不遗余力，因为这是我们保证最终安全的唯一途径。一年以前，我们着手建立成百上千个工厂，开始培训数以百万计的人员。

然后，就在《资助民主国家法案》通过之后不久，这个星期我们已经准备按照现在计划的产量，建议拨付7亿美元。仅这些物资就囊括了战争军火以及运输它们穿越海峡的装备。上个星期二下午，《资助民主国家法案》被上下两院批准。一个半小时后，我签署同意。五分钟后，我批准一系列物资紧急运输。今天，星期六晚上，其中许多物资已经在路上了。星期三的时候，我还建议在7亿美元之外，另行拨款用以购买新的物资，而国会正以爱国者的速度运作来拨付这一笔新的款项。

在华盛顿，我们现在一切都为了速度考虑。我希望“一切为了速度”的口号可以深入千家万户。我们每一个人都必须做出牺牲。而最终牺牲多少就取决于我们现在行动的速度。

今晚我必须明白无误地告诉你们这一艰巨任务将对你们，将对你们的日常生活意味着什么。无论你是否在军队服役;无论你是钢铁工人，还是装卸工人;无论你是机修工，还是家庭主妇;无论你是农民，还是银行家;无论你是小店主，还是制造商——对你们来说都意味着你们必须为你们的国家和你们的自由做出牺牲。是的，你们会在日常生活中体会到这种巨大努力带来的影响。你们会感到那会给你们带来很多不便之处。

你们将不得不忍受低收入，因为你们显然会缴更高的税金。你们将不得不或在议员席上，或在犁具边，或在机器旁，或在书桌边工作更长的时间。让我澄清一点：国家呼吁的是牺牲某些特权，而并非牺牲基本权益。我们中的大多数人会心甘情愿地做出牺牲。这种牺牲是为了保卫国家，维护民众的福利，是为了抵制有史以来最为惨无人道的暴行，是为了我们正遭受严重威胁的生活方式赢得最终胜利。

如果我们懒懒散散，失败将是注定的。这不是兼职。所谓“一如既往”或者“一切正常”的概念必须被抛诸脑后直至胜利。是的，我们必须全情投入，否则，我们难以成功。因此，从此刻起，我们要献身于效率不断提高的生产力。这种生产规模远大于我们现在所知道的或者说是前所未有的，它要一刻不停也不该停下来。

今晚，我向我们领土上热爱自由的每一位先生和女士的内心发出请求。我请求你们考虑我们国家的需要，就在这个时刻，请大家在取得最后的胜利前摒弃所有私人分歧。

民主之光必须保持不灭。为了民主之光的永存，我们每一个人都必须尽自己的一份力。单独一人的努力可能很不起眼，但是我们这里有一亿三千万人。而在英国和其他地方有更多的人正在英勇地抵制野蛮行径的封锁以保护民主的万丈光芒。我们不只是剪剪灯芯，或者擦擦玻璃就够了。这一次我们必须提供越来越多的燃料来维持火焰永不熄灭。

为此，我们没有党派、阶层、种族、国籍、宗教之分。我们之中没有人可以不为我们现在投入的这项事业付出努力。

几个星期之前，我曾经说过四大自由——言论和表达的自由，个人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由，免于匮乏的自由，免于恐惧的自由。这些都是首要利益。要在全世界立即实现这些自由是不太可能的，但是通过民主进程，人类确实在朝着那些光辉理想前进。如果我们失败——如果民主制度为奴隶制度所取代——那么这四大自由甚至连提及它们，也将成为禁忌。重获自由恐怕要等上几个世纪。

通过现有的胜利，我们加强了那些自由的意义，我们提升了人类的境界，我们也建立了人类生活的尊严。

我常常想“忠诚”一词与“顺从”一词之间有着天壤之别。顺从可以在独裁统治下通过威胁、敲诈、勒索等手段得到，或者作为政府却无法告诉公民真相，而只能要求顺从。忠诚则不同。忠诚发自心底，带着某种古老的淳朴理想意味，因而无需任何强迫，忠诚者会自发地支持自己的政府。

这些在今天的英国、希腊、中国和美国都是事实。并且在其他许多国家，数以百万计的男男女女都在祈盼重获那种忠诚的一天。

忠诚是买不来的。光靠金钱也无法赢得这场战争。

我们不要自欺欺人。

今天，将近一百五十万的美国公民在我们的兵工厂辛勤工作。这种精神——我们陆海军的这种决心符合我们国家最高尚的传统。没有人比在华盛顿号，或者约翰·保罗·琼斯号，或者格兰特号，或者李号，或者潘兴号上服役的战士更优秀。我承认这是在夸下海口但绝不是光说不做。

做出牺牲、投入工作的国家意志决定了我们工业和农业的产量。

这种意志决定了这座跨越海洋的重要桥梁得以幸存。那是船队组成的桥梁，它们将武器和粮食运送到战争正义一方的手中。

这种意志决定了我们有多大能力去援助那些坚持抵抗的其他国家。

这种意志决定了是否可以切实帮助那些被颠覆国家的人民。如果他们有机会努力反击，就会重获自由。期望这一天的早日来临!

美国人民的意志绝不会因为国外强大敌人的威胁，也不会因为国内那些渺小、自私的团体或个人而受挫。

美国的决定不能也不会被战争投机所阻碍。美国的决定也不能因为毫无必要的罢工，或者没有远见的管理，或者第三种危险——蓄意破坏而遭受阻碍。

因为除非我们胜利，否则无论对资方，还是对劳方，都毫无自由可言。明智的工人领袖和明智的企业经理都会意识到这是为了他们自己的生存，才必须为这一共同的伟大事业做出共同的牺牲。

已经无需再问或者怀疑，美国人民承认目前的状况已经极端严重。这就是为什么他们已经要求并且已经得到一个无条件的、立即行动的、全面展开的援助政策，去帮助英国、希腊、中国以及所有那些国土暂时被侵略者占领而流亡的政府。并且从现在开始，这样的援助将被增加——甚至一而再地被增加——直到取得完全的胜利。英国人凭借卓绝的士气在过去的十个月里忍受所有的暗无天日的白天和令人心碎的黑夜，这也使得他们现在史无前例的强大。加拿大、其他领地、帝国的其他版图、其他非大不列颠国家的人民给予英国全力支持和帮助，因为他们仍然期盼伟大的自由。

英国人民已经做好了随时应对侵略的准备，无论这种企图是明天，还是下周或是下个月发生。

在这次的历史危机中，英国很幸运，因为它有一位高明而伟大的领袖温斯顿·丘吉尔。然而，了解他的人知道，没有人比丘吉尔先生本人更清楚这一点，并不仅仅是他激动人心的言辞和英明果断的决定赋予了英国超强的斗志。这种斗志的精华所在，就是广大普通民众内心都非常清楚这一重要事实：宁可作为自由的人死去，也不愿作为奴隶活着。

这些普通民众——百姓、士兵、海员和飞行员——男女老少，他们此刻都在文明抗争的前线战斗着，他们在斗争中凭借着坚忍不拔的意志。这种意志将永远激励、鼓舞世界上每一块大陆、每一个海岛上的自由人类。

英国人民和他们的希腊盟军需要船只，他们会从美国得到船只;他们需要飞机，他们会从美国得到飞机;他们需要从美国得到食物，他们会从美国得到食物;他们需要坦克、弹药以及各种补给，他们会从美国得到坦克、弹药以及各种补给。

与此同时，中国表现了强大意志，数百万的普通民众奋起抵抗，避免他们古老国家被肢解的命运。中国通过他们的最高统帅蒋介石请求我们的帮助。美国已经承诺，中国会得到我们的帮助。

因此，我们的国家将要成为我们的人民已经宣告必须成为的那样——成为民主的兵工厂。我们的国家将要全力以赴。

并且当——不，我不是说如果，我是说当独裁统治瓦解——但愿上帝的计划比我们现在敢于期待的更早——然后我们的国家就必须为了人类的福祉，在世界重建期间发挥巨大的作用。

我们相信，独裁者的战斗口号，他们关于优等种族的自吹自擂，都会被证明是纯粹胡说八道的玩意儿。在地球上从未有过，现在没有，将来也不会有一个种族能够做他同胞们的主人。世界上没有任何一个国家，可以因为国家大小，或者军事实力，而正大光明地去攫取世界霸权，去奴役其他国家或种族。我们相信任何国家，无论有多小，作为一个独立的国家都是天生的权利。

我们相信，这些国家的男男女女，无论国家大小，通过和平进程，可以通过保护普通民众的安全去为他们自己和世界服务，提高健康生活的标准，提供制造业和农业市场。通过这样的和平服务，每一个国家都可以增加它的幸福感，驱除战争的恐惧，并消灭人们之间的残暴行径。

有史以来，美国人从来没有面对过如此有意义的事业。但愿历史会记住我们。