罗斯福于1944年在竞选晚宴上的演讲 英文版

Address to the Democratic National Convention

in Chicago

July 20, 1944

I have already indicated to you why I accept the nomination that you have offered me—in spite of my desire to retire the quiet of private life.

You in this Convention are aware of what I have sought to gain for the Nation, and you have asked me to continue.

It seems wholly likely that within the next four years our armed forces, and those of our allies, will have gained a complete victory over Germany and Japan, sooner or later, and that the world once more will be at peace—under a system, we hope that will prevent a new world war. In an event, whenever that time comes, new hands will then have full opportunity to realize the ideals which we seek.

In the last three elections the people of the United States have transcended party affiliation. Not only Democrats but also forward-looking Republicans and millions of independent voters have turned to progressive leadership—a leadership which has sought consistently—and with fair success—to advance the lot of the average American citizen who had been so forgotten during the period after the last war. I am confident that they will continue to look to that same kind of liberalism to build our safer economy for the future.

I am sure that you will understand me when I say that my clerisies, expressed to you formally tonight, is based solely on a sense of obligation to serve if called upon to do so by the people of the United States.

I shall not campaign, in the usual sense, for the office. In these days of tragic sorrow, I do not consider it fitting. And besides, in these days of global warfare, I shall not be able to find the time. I shall, however, feel free to report to the people the facts about matters of clone to them and especially to correct any misrepresentations.

During the past few days I have been coming across the whole width of the continent, to a naval base where I am speaking to you now from the train.

As I was crossing the fertile lands and the wide plains and the Great Divide, I could not fail to think of the new relationship between the people of our farms and cities and villages and the people of the rest of the world overseas—on the islands of the Pacific, in the Far East, and in the other Americas, in Britain and Normandy and Germany and Poland and Russia itself.

For Oklahoma and California, for example, are becoming a part of all these distant spots as greatly as Massachusetts and Virginia were a part of the European picture in 1778. Today, Oklahoma and California are being defended in Normandy and on Sampans; and they must be defended there—for what happens in Normandy and Sampans vitally affects the security and well-being of every human being in Oklahoma and California.

Mankind changes the scope and the breadth of its thought and vision slowly indeed. In the days of the Roman Empire eyes were focused on Europe and the Mediterranean area. The civilization in the Far East was barely known. The American continents were unheard of. And even after the people of Europe began to spill over to other continents, the people of North America in Colonial days new only their Atlantic seaboard and a tiny portion of the other Americas, and they turned mostly for trade and international relationship to Europe. Africa, at that time, was considered only as the provider of human chattels. Asia was essentially unknown to our ancestors.

During the nineteenth century, during that era of development and expansion on this continent, we felt a natural isolation—geographic, economic. and political—an isolation from the vast world which lay overseas. Not until this generation—roughly this century—have people here and elsewhere been compelled more and more to widen the orbit of their vision to include every part of the world. Yes, it has been a wrench perhaps—But a very necessary one.

It is good that we are all getting that broader vision. For we shall need it after the war. The isolationists and the ostriches that plagued our thinking before Pearl Harbor are becoming lowly extinct. The American people now know that all Nations of the world—large and small—will have to play their appropriate part in keeping the peace by force, and in deciding peacefully the disputes which might lead to war.

We all know how truly the world has become one—that if Germany and Japan, for example, were to come through this war with their philosophies established and their armies intact, our own grandchildren would again have to be fighting in their day for their liberties and their lives.

Some day soon we shall all be able to fly to any other part of the world within twenty-four hours. Oceans will no longer figure as greatly in our physical defense as they have in the past. For our own safety and for our own economic good, therefore—if for no other reason—we must take a leading part in the maintenance of peace and increase of trade among all the Nations of the world.

That is why your Government for many, many months has been laying plans, and studying the problems of the near future preparing itself to act so that the people of the United States may not suffer hardships after the war, may continue constantly to improve their standards, and may join with other Nations in doing the same. There are even now working toward that end, the best staff in all our history men and women of all parties and from every part of the Nation.

I realize that planning is a word which in some places brings forth sneers. But, for example, before our entry into the war it was planning, which made possible the magnificent organization and equipment of the Army and Navy of the United States which are fighting for us and for our civilization today. Improvement through planning is the order of the day. Even military affairs, things do not stand still. An army or a navy trained and equipped and fighting according to a 1932 model would not have been a safe reliance in 1944.

And if we are to progress in our civilization, improvement is necessary in other fields—in the physical things that are a part of our daily lives, and also in the concepts of social justice at home and abroad.

I am now at this naval base in the performance of my duties under the Constitution. The war waits for no elections. Decisions must be made—plans must be laid—strategy must be carried out. They do not concern merely a party or a group. They will affect the daily lives of Americans for generations to come.

What is the job before us in 1944? First, to win the war—to win the war fast, to win it overpoweringly, Second, to form worldwide international organizations, and arrange to use the armed forces of the sovereign Nations of the world to make another war impossible within the foreseeable future. And third, to build an economy for our returning veterans and for all Americans—which will provide employment and provide decent standards of living.

The people of the United States will decide this fall whether they wish to take over this 1944 job—this worldwide job—to inexperienced or immature hurls, to those who opposed lend-lease and international cooperation against the forces of aggression and tyranny, until they could read the polls of popular sentiment; or whether they wish to leave it to those who saw the danger from abroad, who met it head-on, and who now have seized the offensive and carried the war to its present stages of success—to those who, by international conferences and united actions have begun to build that kind of common understanding and cooperative experience which will be so necessary in the world to come.

They will also decide, these people of ours, whether they will entrust the task of postwar reconversion to those who offered the veterans of the last war breadlines and apple-selling and who finally led the American people down to the abyss of 1932; or whether they will Leave it to those who rescued American business, agriculture, industry, finance, and labor in 1933, and who have already planned and put through much legislation to help our veterans resume their normal occupations in a well-ordered reconversion process.

They will not decide these questions by reading glowing words or platform pledges—the mouthing of those who are willing to promise anything and everything—contradictions, inconsistencies, impossibilities—anything which might snare a few votes here and a few votes there.

They will decide on the record—the record written on the seas, on the land, and in the skies.

They will decide on the record of our domestic accomplishments in recovery and reform since March 4, 1933.

And they will decide on the record of our war production and food production—unparalleled in all history, in spite of the doubts and sneers of those in high places who said it cannot be done.

They will deicide on the record of the International Food Conference of U.N.R.R.A., of the International Labor Conference, of the International Education Conference, of the International Monetary Conference.

And they will decide on the record written in the Atlantic Charter, at Casablanca, at Carom, at Moscow, and at Teheran.

We have made mistakes. Who has not? Things will not always be perfect. Are they ever perfect, in human affairs?

But the objective at home and abroad has always been clear before us. Constantly, we have made steady, sure progress toward that objective. The record is plain and unmistakable as to that—a record for everyone to read.

The greatest wartime President in our history, after a wartime election which he called the most reliable indication of public purpose in this country, set the goal for the United States, a goal in terms as applicable today as they were in 1865—terms which then mind cannot improve: human with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right. Let us strive on to finish the work we are seek; to bind up the Nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan—to do all which may.

罗斯福于1944年在竞选晚宴上的演讲 中文版

全国代表大会

于芝加哥

1944年7月20日

我已经向你们表明我为何要接受你们对我的提名，尽管我自己希望能够退下来，回去过我平静的私人生活。

在场的诸位都知道，一直以来我始终为美国寻求利益，你们也希望我能继续如此。

从整体来看，在接下来的四年中，我们的部队，以及我们的联军，迟早会赢得对德国和日本的彻底胜利，而世界将在一种体系下重归和平。在那种体系下，我们希望能够避免新的世界大战。无论那一天什么时候到来，新的一代都会有充分的机会去实现我们的夙愿。

在我过去的三届任期中，美国人民超越了党派的界限。不仅是民主党人，还有有远见的共和党人以及数百万的独立投票人依靠的都是不断前进的领导阶层——这个领导阶层不断寻求并且相当成功地提升那些自上次世界大战以来被遗忘的大量普通美国公民的地位。我相信他们可以继续依靠同样的自由主义去建设我们未来更加安全的经济制度。

我相信你们会理解我今晚要正式告诉各位的决定。这一决定主要是受美国人民召唤而做出，我感到有责任如此行动。

通常我不会为了职位而参加竞选。在这些惨痛的日子里，我认为这并不合适。况且在全球处于战争的时期，我也无暇分身。然而，我应该随时向人民汇报他们关注的事件，特别要更正那些误传。

在过去几天中，我穿越了美洲大陆来到这个海军基地，现在在火车上同你们说话。

当我经过肥沃的土地、辽阔的平原和大分水岭，我不能不想起我们在农场、城市、村庄的人民和世界上其他地方的人民之间的关系。这些人民有的在太平洋的岛屿上，有的在远东，有的在美洲其他地方，有的在英国，在诺曼底，在德国，在波兰，也在俄国本土。

以俄克拉荷马与加利福尼亚为例，它们已经成为所有这些遥远的地方的一部分，正如马萨诸塞与弗吉尼亚曾是1778年欧洲图景的一部分。现在，俄克拉荷马与加利福尼亚在诺曼底与塞班岛上被保卫着，它们必须在那里得到防卫。因为在诺曼底与塞班岛上发生的一切将严重影响在俄克拉荷马与加利福尼亚生活的每一个人的安全与福利。

人类非常缓慢地改变着思想与梦想的广度与宽度。在罗马帝国时代，人们的视野局限于欧洲与地中海流域。远东文明鲜有人知，而美洲大陆更是闻所未闻。甚至在欧洲人开始大量涌入其他大陆的时候，殖民时代的北美人民知道大西洋沿海地区以及美洲的其他一小部分地方，他们大多是为了与欧洲进行贸易，并建立国际关系。在那个时代，非洲只是被当成奴隶的产地。而我们的祖先对亚洲根本就是一无所知。

十九世纪，在美洲经历发展和扩张的时代，我们感到一种自然的隔绝——地理上的，经济上的，以及政治上的——那是一种独悬海外、与世隔绝的状况。直到这一代——差不多这个世纪——这里和其他地方的人们才不得不更多地开放他们的视野，去容纳世界的每一部分。是的，这也许很折磨人，但却非常必要。

值得庆幸的是我们的视野越来越广阔，而战后我们将需要更为广阔的视野。在珍珠港事件之前祸害我们思想的孤立主义者与逃避主义者慢慢绝迹。现在美国人民知道世界上所有国家——无论大小——都必须适当地参与依靠军事力量来维持和平，同时和平地解决可能引发战争的争端。

我们都知道世界已经成为一个整体是不争的事实——举个例子，如果德国和日本赢了这场战争，他们的观念得以建立，他们的军队毫发无损，那么我们的子孙，为了他们的自由和生命，终有一天会再次起来战斗。

很快我们就可以在二十四小时之内飞抵世界上任何一个地方。海洋不会再像过去那样被我们当做足以阻敌的天然屏障。为了我们的安全，也为了我们的经济利益，如果没有其他理由的话，我们就必须领导全世界去维护和平与保持贸易增长。

这就是为何你们的政府连月来一直在制订计划，研究眼前的难题，随时准备行动，这样美国人民在战后才能不用遭受苦难，可以持续不断地提高生活水准，可以与其他国家一同重建家园。我们史上最好的员工正朝着这个目标努力，他们来自各个党派，来自美国的各个地方。

我认识到计划是这样一个词，有时候它会遭到冷嘲热讽。但是举个例子，当在我们正式投入战争之后，它就不仅仅是计划了。正是这个计划让美国海陆军组织严密，装备精良，他们现在就在为我们以及我们的文明而战。在计划中不断改善是时代的命令。即使是军事行动，事情也并非一成不变。一支按照1932年模式训练和装备的陆军或海军部队到了1944年在安全方面就并不值得信赖。

如果我们的文明在不断进步，那么其他领域的改善也是必需的。这不仅仅是指作为我们日常生活一部分的物质方面，也包括国内外社会正义方面的一些概念。

我现在就在这个海军基地，遵照宪法执行我的职责。战争不会等什么选举。必须做出决定，必须制订计划，必须实施战略。这些事情并不仅仅关系一个政党或者一个团体，而将影响几代美国人的日常生活。

1944年摆在我们面前的任务是什么?首先要赢得这场战争——必须迅速地拿下这场战争，要以压倒性的优势去获胜。其次，建立世界性的国际组织，利用世界上主权国家的武装力量，避免战争在可预见的未来再次发生。第三，建立一个可以为我们的退伍军人以及所有的美国人提供就业机会和体面生活的经济体系。

美国人民将在今年秋天做出决定，是否要将1944年的任务——这一世界性的任务——交给没有经验或者不成熟的人，这些人直到他们看到反映民众情绪的民调之前，还在反对租界法案，反对国际合作以抵抗侵略和暴政;美国人民也可以将这一任务留给另一些人，这些人看到来自国外的危险，继而亲身感受危险，而现在又抓住了攻势的良机，从而主导战争转入取得胜利的阶段;美国人民也可以将任务交给另一些人，这些人通过国际会议和联合行动开始建立未来世界所必需的那种共识与合作经验。

我们的人民，他们也可以决定，他们是否有信心将战后重建的任务交给那些让一战老兵挣扎在贫困线上，最后还让美国人民堕入1932年的深渊的人;他们也可以将任务交给在1933年拯救美国商业、农业、工业、财政与劳动力的人，这些人已经计划并推行多项法案以帮助我们的退伍军人按照秩序井然的重建程序恢复他们的正常职业。

人民不会根据热情洋溢的讲话或者在讲坛上的赌咒发誓来做出决定——那些愿意允诺一切的人，他们的承诺往往是自相矛盾，破绽百出，无法兑现的——他们的目的只是东拉几张选票，西拉几张选票而已。

他们将根据记录，根据海陆空的记录来做出决定。

他们将根据自1933年3月4日以来我们在复兴与改革方面所做出的国内成就的记录来做出决定。

他们将根据我们的军工生产与粮食生产的记录来做出决定——这一记录是史无前例的，尽管那些身居高位者曾经怀疑和讥笑，认为这是根本不可能完成的。

他们将根据国际粮食大会、联合国善后救济总署、国际劳工大会、国际教育大会与国际货币大会的记录来做出决定。

他们将根据在《大西洋宪章》上、在卡萨布兰卡、在开罗、在莫斯科、在德黑兰的记录来做出决定。

我们都犯过错。谁又没有做错过事情呢?事情并不总是完美的。人类活动曾经完美过吗?

然而，我们国内外的目标总是清楚地呈现在我们眼前。一直以来，我们始终迈着稳健的步伐朝着目标前进。这一记录是清晰明白、显而易见的——它可以让每一个人阅读。

我们历史上最伟大的战时总统，在一次他称之为最能代表这个国家民意的战时选举后，为美国确立了目标。这一目标直到今天还是与1865年一样适用——这一目标是人类思想中最顶尖的：坚持正义，正如上帝让我们看到正义那样，让我们努力完成我们所做的工作，包扎好国家的伤。为纪念战死的军人，去照顾他的遗孀和遗孤——去做我们可以做的一切。