听力课堂TED音频栏目主要包括TED演讲的音频MP3及中英双语文稿，供各位英语爱好者学习使用。本文主要内容为演讲MP3+双语文稿:我们如何使种族主义成为一个可以解决的问题，希望你会喜欢！

【演讲者及介绍】Phillip Atiba Goff

司法科学家菲利普-阿提巴-戈夫（Phillip Atiba Goff）与警察部门合作，帮助公共安全变得更公平、更不致命。

【演讲主题】我们如何使种族主义成为一个可以解决的问题 -- -- 并改进警务工作

How we can make racism a solvable problem -- and improve policing

【中英文字幕】

翻译者Jiasi Hao 校对者功伟 邢

00:14

When people meet me for the first time on my job, they often feel inspired to share a revelation they've had about me, and it kind of goes something like this. "Hey, I know why police chiefs like to share their deep, dark secrets with you. Phil, with your PhD in psychology, and your shiny bald head, you're basically the Black Dr. Phil, right?"

当人们第一次在我工作时见到我， 他们总是备受鼓舞地和我分享 对我的看法， 一般像是这样。 “嘿，我知道为什么警长 喜欢和你分享 他们内心深处的黑暗秘密。 菲尔， 以你的心理学博士学位， 和锃亮的光头， 你差不多就是黑人版的菲尔博士，对吧？” （注：美国心理治疗大师菲尔·麦格劳博士）

00:34

(Laughter)

（笑声）

00:35

And for each and every person who's ever said that to me I do want to say thank you because that was the first time I ever heard that joke.

对于每一个和我说过这些话的人， 我想和他们说一句谢谢， 因为这是我第一次听到这个笑话。

00:42

(Laughter)

（笑声）

00:43

But for everybody else, I really hope you'll believe me when I tell you no police chief likes talking to me because they think I'm a clinical psychologist. And also I'm not. I have no idea what your mother did to you, and I can't help.

但对于其他人，当我告诉你们 没有警长喜欢和我交谈， 我真的希望你们相信我， 因为他们认为 我是一名临床心理学家。 但我不是。 我并不知道你母亲对你做了什么， 我也没法帮助你。

00:54

(Laughter)

（笑声）

00:55

Police chiefs like talking to me because I'm an expert on a problem that feels impossible for them to solve: racism in their profession. Now my expertise comes from being a scientist who studies how our minds learn to associate Blackness and crime and misperceive Black children as older than they actually are. It also comes from studying actual police behavior, which is how I know that every year, about one in five adults in the United States has contact with law enforcement. Out of those, about a million are targeted for police use of force. And if you're Black, you're two to four times more likely to be targeted for that force than if you're white. But it also comes from knowing what those statistics feel like. I've experienced the fear of seeing an officer unclip their gun and the panic of realizing that someone might mistake my 13-year-old godson as old enough to be a threat. So when a police chief, or a pastor, or an imam, or a mother -- when they call me after an officer shoots another unarmed Black child, I understand a bit of the pain in their voice. It's the pain of a heart breaking when it fails to solve a deadly problem. Breaking from trying to do something that feels simultaneously necessary and impossible. The way trying to fix racism usually feels. Necessary and impossible.

警长喜欢与我交谈 因为我能解决他们无力解决的问题： 他们工作中的种族主义。 我的专业性来自于一个科学家身份： 研究我们的大脑 是如何将黑人与犯罪联系起来， 并误认为黑人孩子的年龄 比他们的实际年龄大。 我的专业性也来自于 对警察行为的研究。 这也是我如何知道在每年， 每五个美国成年人中就有一个 与执法部门有联系。 在这些人中约有 100 万人 是警察动用武力的目标。 如果你是黑人， 相比较于白人， 你被警察当作执法目标 的可能性是白人的三到五倍。 但我的专业性也同时来自于 知道这些数字的感觉。 我亲身经历过看着一个警官 解锁枪支的那种畏惧， 以及意识到某人可能会 把我 13 岁的教子 误认为是一个威胁的惊恐。 所以当一个警长， 或一个牧师、 一个清真寺领拜人， 或是一个母亲—— 在看到一个警官枪击 非武装黑人孩子后，打电话给我， 我能够理解他们声音中的痛苦。 这是当一个致命问题无法 被解决时，心碎的痛苦， 从尝试做些 感觉必要但又不可能 的事情中挣脱出来， 就是解决种族主义问题时 的那种感觉。 必要的且不可能的。

02:21

So, police chiefs like talking to me because I'm an expert, but I doubt they'd be lining up to lie down on Dr. Phil's couch if I told them all their problems were hopeless. All of my research, and the decade of work I've done with my center -- the Center for Policing Equity -- actually leads me to a hopeful conclusion amidst all the heartbreak of race in America, which is this: trying to solve racism feels impossible because our definition of racism makes it impossible -- but it doesn't have to be that way. So here's what I mean. The most common definition of racism is that racist behaviors are the product of contaminated hearts and minds. When you listen to the way we talk about trying to cure racism, you'll hear it. "We need to stamp out hatred. We need to combat ignorance," right? It's hearts and minds. Now the only problem with that definition is that it's completely wrong -- both scientifically and otherwise. One of the foundational insights of social psychology is that attitudes are very weak predictors of behaviors, but more importantly than that, no Black community has ever taken to the streets to demand that white people would love us more. Communities march to stop the killing, because racism is about behaviors, not feelings. And even when civil rights leaders like King and Fannie Lou Hamer used the language of love, the racism they fought, that was segregation and brutality. It's actions over feelings. And every one of those leaders would agree, if a definition of racism makes it harder to see the injuries racism causes, that's not just wrong. A definition that cares about the intentions of abusers more than the harms to the abused -- that definition of racism is racist.

所以警长喜欢和我说话， 因为我是一个专家， 但如果我和他们说 你们所有的未解问题都毫无希望， 我怀疑他们是否还会 排队来睡菲尔博士的沙发。 我的所有研究， 以及在我们中心十年来的工作—— 警务公正中心—— 让我在美国种族的心碎中找到了 一个充满希望的结论， 就是： 尝试解决种族主义感觉不可能， 是因为我们对种族主义的定义 让这件事变得不可能—— 但这并非只能以那种方法解决。 我的意思是， 对于种族主义最普遍的定义 是那些内心和头脑被玷污的人 所做出的种族歧视行为。 当你听到我们谈论 如何解决种族主义的方法时， 你会听到这些， “我们需要浇灭仇恨。 我们需要对抗无知。”对吧？ 这种想法已经根深蒂固。 那个定义的唯一问题就是， 定义本身是完全错误的—— 不论从科学上，还是其他方面讲。 一个社会心理学的基本观点是， 人们的态度是他们行为的 一个非常微弱的预测指标， 但更重要的是， 没有一个黑人社区曾走上街头 要求白人多爱我们一些。 社区为阻止杀戮而游行， 因为种族主义关乎于行为， 而非感觉。 甚至当民权领袖们 例如马丁·路德·金和芬妮·露·哈默， 使用爱的语言， 他们为之而战的种族主义 依然是隔离和暴行。 这是超越感受的行为。 而且每一个领袖都会同意， 如果种族主义的定义 使得因其思想下带来的伤害行为 更难以被看到， 这不仅只是错误的。 这个定义关注的是施虐者的意图， 而不是对受虐者的伤害—— 那个种族主义的定义本身 就是种族主义的。

04:06

But when we change the definition of racism from attitudes to behaviors, we transform that problem from impossible to solvable. Because you can measure behaviors. And when you can measure a problem, you can tap into one of the only universal rules of organizational success. You've got a problem or a goal, you measure it, you hold yourself accountable to that metric. So if every other organization measures success this way, why can't we do that in policing?

但是，当我们将种族主义的定义 从态度改变为行为， 我们就把问题 从不可解转变为可解。 因为你可以测量行为， 当你可以丈量一个问题时， 你可以挖掘利用组织成功 的其中一条通用规则。 你已有一个问题或目标，你测量它， 之后你对自己的指标负责。 倘若其他每个组织都 以这样的方法来衡量成功， 警务工作为何不可？

04:36

It turns out we actually already do. Police departments already practice data-driven accountability, it's just for crime. The vast majority of police departments across the United States use a system called CompStat. It's a process that, when you use it right, it identifies crime data, it tracks it and identifies patterns, and then it allows departments to hold themselves accountable to public safety goals. It usually works either by directing police attentions and police resources, or changing police behavior once they show up. So if I see a string of muggings in that neighborhood, I'm going to want to increase patrols in that neighborhood. If I see a spike in homicides, I'm going to want to talk to the community to find out why and collaborate on changes on police behavior to tamp down the violence. Now when you define racism in terms of measurable behaviors, you can do the same thing. You can create a CompStat for justice. That's exactly what the Center for Policing Equity has been doing. So let me tell you how that works.

事实证明我们已经开始这么做了。 警局已经实行了 数据驱动的责任制， 这仅适用于犯罪。 美国大部分的警局 用的是一个叫 CompStat 的系统。 如果你正确使用这个流程， 它能识别犯罪数据， 追踪并识别犯罪模式， 之后它能让警局 为他们自己制定的公共安全目标 负责。 一旦情况出现，系统一般通过 引导警察关注点和资源， 或通过改变警察行为起作用。 所以如果我在这个社区 看到一连串的拦路抢劫， 我将想要看到该社区 警察巡逻的加强。 如果我看到蓄意杀人案件激增， 我想要通过跟社区居民交谈 来找出原因， 并协作改变警察行为以打击暴力。 当你用可测量行为 定义种族主义， 你可以做同样的事情。 你可以为警务公正 搭建 CompStat。 这正是我们警务公正中心 一直在做的事情。 让我来说说它是如何运作的。

05:37

After a police department invites us in, we handle the legal stuff, we engage with the community, our next step is to analyze their data. The goal of these analyses is to determine how much do crime, poverty, neighborhood demographics predict, let's say, police use of force? Let's say that those factors predict police will use force on this many Black people. There? So our next question is, how many Black people actually are targeted for police use of force? Let's say it's this many. So what's up with the gap? Well, a big portion of the gap is the difference between what's predicted by things police can't control and what's predicted by things police can control -- their policies and their behaviors. And what we're looking for are the types of contact or the areas in the city where that gap is biggest, because then we can tell our partners, "Look here. Solve this problem first." It's actually the kind of therapy police chiefs can get behind, because there is nothing so inspiring in the face of our history of racism as a solvable problem.

在一个警局邀请我们加入后， 我们处理法律事务， 我们参与社区， 我们的下一步是分析他们的数据。 这些分析的目标是测定 犯罪、贫困和社区人口统计因子， 就说，预测警方动用武力的能力？ 我们假设那些因子预测 警方会对这么多黑人动用武装力量。 我说清楚了吗？ 那我们下一个问题是， 实际上有多少黑人 是警察动用武力的目标？ 我们说有这么多。 那这里的数差是怎么回事？ 大部分的差距是由于 警察控制范围外的因子预测 与警察控制范围内的因子预测差异—— 他们的政策和行为。 我们正在寻找一种接触模式， 或是数差最大的 城市地区， 因为这样我们就可以 告诉我们的合作伙伴， “看这，先解决这个问题。” 这实际上是一种 警长们能理解的方法， 因为面对我们的种族主义历史， 从来没有什么比这个可解决的问题 更鼓舞人心。

06:43

Look, if the community in Minneapolis asked their police department to remedy the moral failings of race in policing, I'm not sure they know how to do that. But if instead the community says, "Hey, you're data say you're beating up a lot of homeless folks. You want to knock that off?" That's something police can learn how to do. And they did. So in 2015, the Minneapolis PD let us know their community was concerned they were using force too often. So we showed them how to leverage their own data to identify situations where force could be avoided. And when you look at those data, you'll see that a disproportionate number of their use-of-force incidents, they involved somebody who's homeless, in mental distress, has a substance abuse issue or some combination of all three -- more than you expect based on those factors I was just telling you about.

如果明尼阿波利斯的一个社区 要求他们的警局 改进警务工作中 关于种族的道德沦陷， 我不确定他们知道怎么做。 但相反，如果社区说， “嘿，你们的数据表明你 们正在毒打很多无家可归的人。 你们想要解决这个吗？” 那是警察可以学习如何做到的事。 他们也做到了。 在 2015 年， 明尼阿波利斯警局告诉我们 他们的社区 担心他们过度使用武力。 所以我们给他们展示 如何使用他们自己的数据 来识别哪些情况下 可以避免使用武力。 当你看着那些数据， 你会看到不成比例的 使用武力事件数量， 其中包括流浪汉、 遭受精神困扰的人， 以及有药物滥用问题的人， 或这三种的组合—— 基于我刚讲到的那些因子， 这个数量超出预期。

07:30

So right there's the gap. Next question is why. Well, it turns out homeless folks often need services. And when those services are unavailable, when they can't get their meds, they lose their spot in the shelter, they're more likely to engage in behaviors that end up with folks calling the cops. And when the cops show up, they're more likely to resist intervention, oftentimes because they haven't actually done anything illegal, they're literally just living outside. The problem wasn't a need to train officers differently in Minneapolis. The problem was the fact that folks were using the cops to "treat" substance abuse and homelessness in the first place. So the city of Minneapolis found a way to deliver social services and city resources to the homeless community before anybody ever called the cops.

所以没错，这里有个差距。 下一个问题是为什么。 结果发现， 那些流浪汉经常需要社会服务。 当他们获取不到服务， 当他们无法拿到他们的药时， 他们会失去在庇护所的位置， 他们就更有可能做出 让别人报警的行为。 当警察出现， 他们更有可能反抗其介入， 很多时候因为 他们没有做任何非法的事情， 只是他们睡在大街上。 明尼阿波利斯的问题 不是需要改变训练警察的方法， 问题是，人们一开始就利用警察 来“对待”那些 药物滥用和无家可归的人。 所以明尼阿波利斯找到了 一个为流浪社区 提供社会服务和城市资源的方法， 甚至在任何人报警之前。

08:13

(Applause)

（掌声）

08:21

Now the problem isn't always homelessness, right? Sometimes the problem is fear of immigration enforcement, like it was in Salt Lake City, or it is in Houston, where the chiefs had to come forward and say, "We're not going to deport you just for calling 911." Or the problem is foot pursuits, like it was in Las Vegas, where they had to train their officers to slow down and take a breath instead of allowing the adrenaline in that situation to escalate it. It's searches in Oakland; it's pulling folks out of cars in San Jose; it's the way that they patrol the neighborhoods that make up Zone 3 in Pittsburgh and the Black neighborhoods closest to the waterfront in Baltimore. But in each city, if we can give them a solvable problem, they get busy solving it. And together our partners have seen an average of 25 percent fewer arrests, fewer use-of-force incidents and 13 percent fewer officer-related injuries. Essentially, by identifying the biggest gaps and directing police attentions to solving it, we can deliver a data-driven vaccine against racial disparities in policing.

问题不总是那些流浪汉，对吧？ 有时问题是对移民政策的恐惧， 比如盐湖城，或休斯顿。 那里的警长们需要站出来 并说：“我们不会因为你报警 而将你驱逐出境。” 或是徒步追击问题， 例如拉斯维加斯。 那里的警官需要 训练警官们慢下来，喘个气， 而不是任凭 肾上腺素在那个场景下飙升。 在奥克兰有无数的搜查； 在圣荷西有把人拉出车辆的事情； 这是他们在匹兹堡 3 区 以及巴尔的摩 最靠近海滨区域 的黑人社区的巡逻方式。 但是每个城市， 如果我们可以给他们可解决的问题， 他们就会忙于解决它。 我们所有的合作伙伴已经见证， 平均逮捕率 下降了 25% ， 武力使用事件更少， 警察相关伤害事件下降了 13%。 通过识别那些最大的差距 并且转移警察注意力去解决它， 我们可以制作一剂数据驱动疫苗 对抗警务中的种族差异对待。

09:24

Right now, we have the capacity to partner with about 40 cities at a time. That means if we want the United States to stop feeling exhausted from trying to solve an impossible problem, we're going to need a lot more infrastructure. Because our goal is to have our tools be able to scale the brilliance of dedicated organizers and reform-minded chiefs. So to get there we're going to need the kind of collective will that desegregated schools and won the franchise for the sons and daughters of former slaves so that we can build a kind of health care system capable of delivering our vaccine across the country. Because our audacious idea is to deliver a CompStat for justice to departments serving 100 million people across the United States in the next five years.

现在，我们有能力 同时与约 40 个城市合作， 这意味着如果我们想要美国 不再因为尝试解决不可解问题 而精疲力尽， 我们将需要 更多的基础设施的投入。 因为我们的目标是 让我们的工具能够无限放大 那些敬业的组织者和具有改革意识 的长官们的光辉才华。 为了达成这个目的， 我们需要集体意志： 解除学校种族隔离， 并为奴隶的后代赢取特权， 这样我们就可以建立 能在全国范围内提供疫苗的 健康医疗体系。 因为我们大胆创新的想法 是在未来五年， 为美国上下服务 1 亿人民的部门 创造为公正而生的 CompStat。

10:12

(Applause and cheers)

（掌声与喝彩）

10:19

Doing that would mean arming about a third of the United States with tools to reduce racial disparities in police stops, arrests and use of force, but also tools to reduce predatory cash bail and mass incarceration, family instability and chronic mental health and substance abuse issues, and every other ill that our broken criminal-legal systems aggravate. Because every unnecessary arrest we can prevent saves a family from the terrifying journey through each one of those systems. Just like every gun we can leave holstered saves an entire community from a lifetime of grief.

做这事代表着 为1/3 的美国警察在 制止、逮捕和使用武力过程中 提供减少种族歧视的工具， 该工具也能减少掠夺性现金保释、 大规模监禁、 家庭不稳定、 慢性精神健康和药物滥用问题， 以及所有其他加剧恶化 我们刑事法律制度的不合理现象。 因为每一起我们能阻止的 非必要逮捕 都能挽救一个家庭， 免于被任一系统制度的摧残践踏。 就像每一次我们把枪留在枪套中， 都能避免整个社区的一生悲伤。

10:55

Look, each and every one of us, we measure the things that matter to us. Businesses measure profit; good students keep track of their grades; families chart the growth of their children with pencil markings in doorframes. We all measure the things that matter most to us, which is why we feel the neglect when nobody's bothering to measure anything at all.

我们每个人、每一次， 都会丈量我们在意的事情。 生意人计算利润， 好学生持续追踪自己的成绩， 家人们在门框边用笔 记录他们孩子的成长。 我们都在丈量自己最在意的事情， 这就是为什么 当没人愿意费力去测量的时候， 我们感到被忽视。

11:21

For the past quarter millennium, we've defined the problems of race and policing in a way that's functionally impossible to measure. But now the science says we can just change that definition. And the folks at the Center for Policing Equity, I actually think we may have measured more police behavior than any one in human history. And that means that once we have the will and the resources to do it, this could be the generation that stops feeling like racism is an unsolvable problem and instead sees that what's been necessary for far too long is possible.

在过去的 25 年间， 我们已经将 警务和种族的问题定义成 一个功能上不可测量的问题。 但现在，科学表明 我们只需要改变那个定义。 在警务公正中心的人们， 我实际上认为我们已测量的 警察行为可能是人类历史上最多的。 这意味着一旦我们有了意志 以及资源去做这件事， 我们有机会成为第一代 不再认为种族主义 是一个不可解问题的人， 我们反而会看到 一件必要的，却已经等待了 太久的事情，成为了可能。

12:05

Thank you.

谢谢。

12:06

(Applause and cheers)

（掌声与喝彩）